關於 get over the shock 中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

翻轉視界 18 Changing Perspective

There's not just one road to the destination, but many roads. You just need to take the little step that’s right in front of you, and then the next one, and a few years down the track, they will seem like massive achievements.

通往目的地的路不止一條，有很多路可走。你只需要邁出眼前這一小步，然後再邁出下一步，幾年下來，將會成為巨大成就。

文章來自於New Humans of Australia (有取得授權)

★★★★★★★★★★★★

I didn’t meet my father until I was 6 years old. My parents had a comfortable, middle-class life in Shanghai, or as close as you could get under communism. But they always wanted to live overseas, and just before I was born, my dad came to Sydney to set things up. I don’t know why, but in the end, my mother and I didn’t join him until I was 6.

•a middle-class life 中產階級生活
•set things up 打點一切
•live overseas 往海外生活
•in the end 最後 (表達在經過一段時間或一連串事件之後的結果)

直到六歲前我都未曾見過父親。我的雙親在上海過著舒適的中產階級生活，或著說，在共產階級下所能得到的最接近的生活。他們一直響往海外生活，就在我出生前，我父親來到雪梨打點一切。但不知何故，直到六歲那年我與母親才終於與父親團聚。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Unfortunately, half a year after we arrived, he left us. That was a huge shock. Our transition had already been quite difficult, as we both didn't speak English. Also, as Shanghai was such a big bustling city, Sydney felt a bit like the countryside, especially on the weekends, as no shops were open back then!

•shock 令人震驚的事件（或經歷）；驚愕，震驚 (come as a great shock 讓人倍感震驚)
•transition 轉變；過渡
•a bustling city 繁華都會

不幸的是，就在我跟母親抵達半年後，父親離開了我們。這是個巨大的打擊，因爲我們不會說英文，在適應過渡期本就已過得相當艱辛。此外，不同於上海的繁華都會，雪梨更像鄉下，尤其在週末，那時連商店都不開門。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

We were very much reliant on my dad, not only financially, but also as a conduit into the wider community. So to have that broken was quite distressing. I remember Mum crying a lot. As we had become socially isolated, we didn’t find out anything about Centrelink, so we survived on her savings for a while, and then got some help from her family back in China.

•be reliant on… 依賴...
•a conduit into 進入...的渠道
•distressing (adj.) 令人苦惱的,令人擔憂的
•become socially isolated 變得孤立於社會
•survive on her savings 僅靠的她積蓄過日子

我們相當依賴我父親，不僅是經濟，他也是我們進入更廣泛社區的渠道。因此，當局面被打破時令人相當痛苦，我還記得母親時常哭泣。由於我們孤立於社會，所以我們並不知道澳洲社會福利聯絡中心 （Centrelink）的任何資訊，僅靠母親的積蓄支撐了一段時間，然後從母親在中國的娘家得到一些幫助。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Eventually, Mum moved us down to Melbourne, where we were able to make some new networks and family friendships. But I was bullied a bit at school about things like my food and clothing! Whenever someone bullied me, I would defend myself, but because I didn’t have the language skills to explain to the teacher why, I got in trouble quite a bit. I ended up having to move school 3 times before I came to Balwyn Primary School, which was relatively multicultural.

•be able to 能夠
•make new networks 建立新的人脈，關係網
•be bullied 被霸凌
•language skills 語言能力
•get in trouble 惹上麻煩
•end up 最後處於；最後成爲；以…告終
•relatively 相對地
•multicultural 多元文化的

最後，母親帶著我搬遷到墨爾本，在那我們能夠建立起新的網絡與家庭情誼。然而。我在學校飽受霸凌，例如我的食物及衣物。每當有人霸凌我，我會自我防衛，但我的語言技巧不足以向老師解釋事發原因，因此常常陷入麻煩。後來我不得不再三轉學，直到就讀相對多元文化的博文小學（Balwyn Primary School）。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

After that, I did alright. Music featured very prominently in my life. I had started learning the violin from the age of 2.5 years old and even with all the troubles that were going on in my life, had somehow still kept up with it. As a result, I got a music scholarship to Trinity Grammar School. But even there I used to get into quite a lot of mischief, and would often skip school to go to the movies.

•do alight 過得不錯，做的不錯
•feature (v.) 以…為特色；給…以顯著的地位
•prominently 重要地；著名地；突出地，顯眼地

之後，我便過得不錯。音樂在我生活中佔有重要的一席之地，我從兩歲半開始學習小提琴，儘管生活中事事不如意，我依然堅持不輟。因此，我獲得三一文法學校（ Trinity Grammar School）的音樂獎學金。但即使在那，我也常惡作劇、逃學看電影。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

By the end of year 11, I was told I would have to either repeat the year, or consider going to another school, which was quite humiliating for my mum. I decided to move school and surprisingly, I ended up doing quite well in year 12! As a result, I ended up getting into a double degree in Law and Music at Monash.

•repeat the year 留級 ; 重唸一年
•humiliating 令人感到恥辱的，丟臉的

11年級結束時，我被告知要麽被留級，要麼考慮轉學，這對我母親來說相當丟人。我決定轉學，而令人驚訝的是，我在12年級的時候表現優異，最後錄取蒙納士大學法律與音樂雙學位。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

When I started, my first thought was that I didn’t belong because I had done so badly in school up to year 11 and everyone else seemed so smart. But I put my head down, got through it, and ended up getting a job in the legal department of a major manufacturing company, which was a different approach to what most law students do.

•do not belong 不屬於這
•put my head down 埋頭苦幹
•the legal department of ...的法律部門
•a different approach 不同途徑
•approach （思考問題的）方式，方法，態度

當我開始進入大學，最初的想法是我不屬於這，因為我在11年級前都表現不佳，而這裡的人似乎都聰明絕頂。但我埋頭苦幹，咬牙撐過，最後在一家大型製造公司的法律部門找到工作，這與多數法律系學生的途徑不同。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

I really enjoyed it. It was hard work, but I learned a lot of foundational business, legal and corporate communication skills. After that I worked in corporate governance in RMIT, then started to moonlight as a lecturer in the Law Faculty. Eventually, they asked me if I wanted to do a PhD and I blindly said yes! I next worked at Swinburne University, and then was head-hunted to lead the corporate legal team at the Commercial Passenger Vehicles Commission.

•foundational 基礎的
•communication skills 溝通技巧
•corporate governance
•moonlight (v.) （尤指瞞著僱主）從事第二職業，兼職
•headhunt (v.) 物色（人才）； 挖角
•legal team 法律團隊

我非常喜歡這份工作，這是份辛苦的工作，但我學習了很多基礎商業、法律以及公司溝通技巧。之後我在皇家墨爾本理工大學（ RMIT）從事公司治理工作，並開始兼職擔任法律系講師。後來他們問我是否想要讀博士，我便盲目地答應了。接下來，我在斯威本大學（Swinburne University）工作，再被挖角到商用小客車委員會領導法律團隊。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

I had a good life, but after a while, I realised I wanted a different kind of job. I could see my seniors were making a lot of money but that their family life was not that good. And looking at my own upbringing, I wanted to be the kind of father who could be present in my own kids’ lives. So I decided on dentistry. It would not only allow me to use the hand skills that I had developed from playing the violin, but also the analytical and reasoning skills that I'd developed in law. Plus it would be flexible, and offer me a stable income and the chance to meet different people every day!

•upbringing 教養
•decide on sth 決定某事或東西
•analytical and reasoning skills 分析和推理能力
•offer a stable income 提供穩定收入

我的生活很不錯，但一段時間後，我意識到自己想要一份不同的工作。我知道前輩們賺了很多錢，但他們的家庭生活並不美滿。看著自己的成長經歷，我想要成為可以在孩子生活中出席的父親，所以我決定改行當牙醫。這項職業能讓我使用從拉小提琴中發展出的手部技巧，也能運用我在法律中發展出的分析與推理技能。此外，這個職業相當靈活，能為我提供穩定收入，並有機會每天與不同的人見面。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

My now fiancée, who was my girlfriend at the time, was also applying for further study, and coincidentally we both got into university in South Australia, so we moved to Adelaide together a few years ago.

•fiancée 未婚妻
•at the time 當時
•apply for 申請
•further study 繼續教育，進修；進一步研究；深造
•coincidentally 碰巧地；巧合地

我的未婚妻，當時的女友，也申請繼續深造，巧的是我們都考上南澳大學（University of South Australia)，所以幾年前一起搬到阿得雷德（ Adelaide）。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

I was lucky to get a university job at Flinders University. Initially, I started out as a casual lecturer in the law school, but I’ve since transitioned into teaching health law and research, and I’m currently writing a few books on the intersection between law and medicine. And also, obviously, trying to finish my dentistry degree!

•start out as… 起初擔任...
•transition into… 轉變到...

我很幸運的在福林德斯大學（Flinders University）找到工作，起初我在法學院擔任臨時講師，但我後來轉換到醫事法教學及研究。目前我正撰寫幾本關於法律與醫學相接的書籍，並努力完成我的牙醫學位。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Mum eventually retrained as a Chinese high school teacher, and she’s still teaching to this day. Like most first generation migrants, she struggled quite a lot, and invested heavily in my success. After we’re married, my fiancée and I are planning to have children, and I’m sure they will have it much easier than I did.

•retrain 重新培養；再培訓；再訓練
•to this day 至今
•first generation migrants 第一代移民
•struggle a lot 掙扎奮鬥許久
•have it much easier 過的比較輕鬆

我的母親最終重新接受培訓，成為一名中文高中老師並執教至今。如同大多數第一代移民，她掙扎奮鬥許久，並為我的成功投資甚多。我與未婚妻打算婚後生孩子，我確信孩子會過的比我輕鬆得多。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Still, a lot of the failures that I’ve had in my life have really informed a lot of my successes. Looking back, I wouldn't really want to change that to have a smoother life.

•inform [正式] 影響某人的態度或意見
https://www.ldoceonline.com/dictionary/inform

•have a smoother life 有一個更順遂的人生

我的生活中的種種失敗確實為我的成功提供借鑑。回首過去，我不會想要改變那些坎坷經歷去擁有一個更順遂的人生。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Over the years, I've learned that perseverance is very important. I hope that through telling my story, I can be an example to others who might be in a similar position as I was: to show that there's not just one road to the destination, but many roads. You just need to take the little step that’s right in front of you, and then the next one, and a few years down the track, they will seem like massive achievements.

•over the years 多年來
•perseverance 不屈不撓，堅持不懈
•be an example 成為榜樣
•be in a similar position 處於相似的處境
•down the road/line/track 將來(的路)

多年來，我學到堅持不懈是至關重要的。我希望透過講述自己的故事，能成為其他可能與我有相似處境的人的榜樣：向他們展示通往目的地的路不止一條，有很多路可走。你只需要邁出眼前這一小步，然後再邁出下一步，幾年下來，將會成為巨大成就。

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Photographer: Paul Heinrich instagram.com/paulfheinrich

文章與圖片出處: https://bit.ly/2XJsciq

★★★★★★★★★★★★

翻轉視界: http://bit.ly/3fPvKUs

批判性思考問題大全: http://bit.ly/34rdtJ7

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

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